Point 9. The numerical strength of the Security Forces and of the Defence Forces to be determined by a Law.
The Constitution provides that the Security Forces of the Republic shall consist of the Police and the Gendarmerie and shall have a contingent of 2,000 men which may be reduced or increased by agreement of the President and the Vice-President of the Republic.
This is an unworkable provision because, even if the President and the Vice-President agree to increase the numerical strength of the Security Forces, such agreement will be completely ineffectual unless the House of Representatives approves the resulting increase in budgetary expenditure. Under the Constitution the President and the Vice-President cannot, by agreeing to increase the Security Forces, create a charge on the Consolidated Fund.
The question of increasing or decreasing the numerical strength of the Security Forces should, in the first instance, be decided by the Council of Ministers in the normal way and legislation be introduced to the House for enactment.
The Constitution also provides that the Republic shall have an Army of 2,000 men.
This provision is impracticable as no implementation of the numerical strength of the Army can take place unless the House of Representatives approves the financial expenditure required. Furthermore, no provision exists for the increase or decrease, depending on ordinary requirements, of the numerical strength of the Army.
Constitutional provision should, therefore, be made that the Republic shall have such Defence Forces as may be regulated by Law.
Thursday, March 3, 2011
All Time Popular Posts
-
SUGGESTED MEASURES FOR FACILITATING THE SMOOTH FUNCTIONING OF THE STATE AND FOR THE REMOVAL OF CERTAIN CAUSES OF INTER- COMMUNAL FRICTION...
-
TC: "We need to realise 'what is it' that really matters, we cant have it both ways! The 'TRNC' is not a normal place, ...
-
What do you call the act of changing a nation's ethnic map in less than a month as depicted in the maps attached? Is a simi...
-
Address to Cypriots by President of the Republic Tassos Papadopoulos, on April 7, 2004, regarding the referendum of 24th April 2004 (full t...
-
Sovereign? Really? On whose authority? "The Embassy does not believe that the loss of Cyprus-owned physical infrastructure, nor th...
-
Hardliners are those who support the bogus BBF (bi-zonal, bi-communal federation) basis that aims to formalize the division of an illegal ...
-
1960 was the year the Cyprus Republic was formed. How can it possibly relate to the plight of Kurds in Turkey? Turkish Cypriots (here...
-
Makarios did not leave a memoir or diaries, so this 1974 interview with Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci stands as one of the more reveal...
-
Internal and external forces are tearing at the nation’ seams By Shehab Al Makahleh - - Tuesday, February 16, 2016 Turkey, an erstwhi...
Last 7 Days Popular Posts
-
I was watching on RIK (Cypriot state TV) a couple of weeks ago the pleas of a Turkish Cypriot (tCypriot herein) unionist for more Greek Cypr...
-
If someone could decode the Cypriot soul in 2004's 76% rejection of the monstrous Annan plan, thus uniting all of us, then we would al...
-
Aspects of the problem Πτυχές του προβλή ματος A Turkish journa list's (Uzay Bulut) views matter: Turkey, Cyprus & Israel 1 T...
-
Buy Crawshaw's book listed below to read the fliers Turkey's fascists circulated in Cyprus already back in the 1950s. Could it be th...
-
Only the genuine reunification of Cyprus that provides for the reintegration of its people and economy can improve the situation of the Turk...
-
Published on Apr 24, 2012 - Α documentary with English subtitles about the history of the gymnasium school which is located in the remot...
-
Sovereign? Really? On whose authority? "The Embassy does not believe that the loss of Cyprus-owned physical infrastructure, nor th...
Newspapers & Media To Watch
About Me
Followers
Turkey's Kurds & Cyprus' tCypriots
As either unitary state or federation solutions are discussed as replacements to Cyprus' 1960 and Turkey's 1923 unworkable constitutions, should we abide by "if a right is a right too many for Turkey's Kurdish community (circa 23% of population) then that right is a right too many for Cyprus' tCypriot community too (circa 15%), and vice versa." Is the adoption of this fair logic the catalyst to securing just solutions for both UN countries.